Prince Kelly Udebhulu |
A PRINCE KELLY UDEBHULU`S ESAN CULTURAL REVIEW.
Defined as a rule of elders, gerontocracy was a form of social organization in which a group of old men or a council of elders dominate decisions by exercising some form of control. In Esan, elders exercised a general control over the people. The belief and utmost confidence in the elder as the head was a natural inclination that began with the family. The home Ukuwa was not an isolated unit but part of an extended family. Each home consisted of a man, his wife/wives, children, junior brother, his yet unmarried sisters and any other persons within, either as a mother or servant provided he or she was within the circle. A combination of such homes represented the extended family. The head of the extended family unit was called Omijiogbe.
As the junior brother’s own families and multiplied, it was easy to see this man’s position as head of the family increase in importance (Okojie, 1960: p.50). Being the head he was the spokesman for the unit and was in charge of the ancestral shrine (David .O. Umobuarie, 1976: p.45). The day-to-day administration of the family lay on the shoulders of the head of family.
He was in fact in a position to control not just the religious but the political activities of the family, thereby ensuring maximum security of all members. He was also regarded as the person at the helm of affairs and “the orbit around which all other things revolved” (Okojie, p.50). In the event of any disagreement in the family, he was seen as the arbiter and he reserved the right to punish any erring member, he was the go-between or the mediator through whom the members of the family appealed to their ancestors. However, in the event of any conflict between members of the family a protective position for his family by soliciting for peace or asking for compensation was required. But in cases where it was difficult to arrive at a compromise with an out-going or out-group, the matter was then referred to the highest person in the gerontocratic ladder. This was the Odionwele or eldest of the elders.
Many lineages that were contiguous formed the Idumu or quarter. The leader of the eldest lineage was seen as the head or leader of the quarter. One important thing about this organisation was that members usually had a claim to common descent or blood relation hence inter-marriages were not allowed. Many Idumu or quarter usually came together to form the village. The most elderly of the elders by age was usually made to assume office as the Odionwele when the old Odionwele died.
The Odionwele was regarded as the pivot around whom all activities revolved. He presided over all meetings and took decisions with his executives. The post of the Odionwele needs to be qualified because if a stranger settled in a village and became the eldest member he would still not be Odionwele. An Odionwele’s family members must have existed long enough in the village to lose all the identities of a stranger.
The Odionwele with three most elderly Edion formed the most elderly four or the EDIONENE. The Edion had messengers known as UKOEDION. It was the messenger’s sole responsibility to summon all the Edion in the village whenever there was an issue to be discussed. The choice of who became an UKO-EDION was essentially the prerogative of the Odionwele who considered the quality, honesty, wisdom and out-spokenness of the individual. Usually, meetings which concerned the well being of the community were held at the village square called, Okoughele. The elders formed the village council that dealt with serious crimes of all sorts and they possessed walking sticks called OKPO that were used for support whenever they walked from their homes. Such walking sticks constituted the effigies that could be counted to have a glimpse of the number of Odionwele that have lived in the village (Olumense, 1997: pp. 45 – 49).
Apart from the administrative function of the elders, they also arbitrated religious issues. For instance, the Odionwele was not the chief priest of the village but the custodian of of the ancestral shrine. Every year before the new yam festival or at any other ceremony to the gods of the land he would pray to the ancestors on behalf of the village. The religious aspect of village life rested on both the chief priest and the Odionwele. Infact, he was the custodian of the village land which he held in trust for the living members of his village, the dead and the yet unborn. Before any new settler acquired land the Odionwele must give approval (Oral Interview: Abhulimen, 2002).
The "Igene" grade was next to the Edion. They were usually not called for public duties unless such duties were beyond the competence of the lower grade. Like the elders, they held meetings form time to time to discuss issues of common importance. The military and physical defense of the village usually rested on the group. Its members headed such major works as house building or roofing and were really the dare – devils of the village community. They were usually called upon when there was a serious matter like fire outbreak, burglary or theft. They also assisted in burying the dead and helped the junior age grades in the digging and clearing of ponds. The leader of the Igene age grade controlled the affairs of the Igene and effected discipline among its members. This was done through the imposition of fines Oko on any erring member of the group (Okojie, 1960: p.76).
The "Egbonughele" or street sweepers were the last in the age group. Their known jobs were mostly the sweeping of streets, clearing of marked places, farm paths, streams etc. The most common was the sweeping of the village square UGHELE that was usually done once in every 4 days. They were responsible for a major part of communal labour in the village and they only got help from the Igene when the task was too heavy for them alone. This was usually in a form of an appeal to the Edion who then requested the Igene for required assistance by the Egbonughele sweepers. The leader of the sweepers maintained discipline within the age grade and made sure all in the age-grade obeyed the rules and regulations of the group. As the head, he reserved the right to punish any member who violated the rules of the grade. Such offences included failure to participate in the sweeping of the village square on market days, fighting in the square, and failure to attend to assigned tasks at the agreed time or date. Like the scavengers or age grade the punishment was usually in form of a fine by confiscating any possession of the offender in lieu of fine redemption. Money or items so acquired was divided among members of grade in the order of seniority. (Oral Interview: Ebhodaghe 2000). The leader of the sweepers was expected to take the biggest share of any cash or any item collected at a time followed by the next three people in age known as Egbonughele - nene.
The expansion of Esan communities from villages into chiefdoms under Enijie did not negate the rule of the elders. The Odionwele continued to exercise his right to rule at the village level by virtue of him being the oldest member of the community. In the same way other male members of the community were potential successors to the stool of the Odionwele.
Onojie |
CONCLUSION
Generally it must be said that unless the individual move from the village setting to the modern town, he is guided and still lives within a set of principles that is based on gerontocracy. The general belief in life after death reinforces the belief in the ancestors who were elders that once lived and died but lived on as spirits. Thus gerontocracy was not just a system of government but a norm – a way of life of a people and their socio-cultural setting. Unless this is destroyed, gerontocracy will linger on as a form of village administration in Esan Land.
...to be continued
By Prince Kelly Udebhulu
CEO:
www.vicuma.net
Reference
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